(A Review of the Book-Unmasking
the Syriacs: The Hidden
Origin of Indian Christianity—An Archaeo-linguistic Approach)
The
Apostle Thomas and his travel to the Indian Peninsula soon after the
resurrection of Jesus Christ would be the key response if someone asked about
the beginning of Christianity in the Indian subcontinent or the responsibility
of spreading the faith in India. His journey to South India and subsequent
conversion of the Namboothiri Brahmans of Kerala, followed by his martyrdom at
Mylapore, near Chennai, is the most interesting and descriptive narration we
would hear from any authentic church historian or believer. Though the story
has many illogical twists and turns, contradicting plots, and no proper
evidence, it has become a conventional history among believers and
non-believers alike. Volumes of explanation and detailing have been done by
many church historians, referring mainly to apocryphal, non-canonical, or
hagiographic works. Though these explanations are in great volumes, their
authenticity is still disputed by many renowned scholars and historians alike.
Numerous
academics have researched and written about the beginnings of Indian Christianity
and its growth, carefully examining all relevant literary sources (canonical,
non-canonical, Gnostic books, etc.), as well as the Mylapore excavations, but
they have been unable to draw any firm conclusions because there is no hard
evidence. There are three groups of writers who wrote about the origin of
Indian Christianity. They are (1) those who support an apostolic activity, such
as Apostle Thomas or Apostle Bartolomeo, or both; (2) those who reject any
apostolic activity; and (3) those who say there may or may not be an apostolic
activity due to a lack of substantial evidence. The third group mainly does not
want to get into controversy or go against the popular beliefs of ancient South
Indian Christians, who are presently called Syriac Christians or Indian
Christians of St. Thomas. The majority who support the apostolic origin of
Indian Christianity use the pull and push strategy to explain their position.
When I address it as a "pull and push strategy," it means using vague
references indicating India with St. Thomas or Bartolomeo from literary
(hagiographical, apocryphal, gnostic, etc.) works along with the mythical
stories (often from the post-Portuguese period) from the memory of Syriac
Christians of South India. The opposite group analyses these references with
historical records and textual criticism to expose the veracity of these
literary sources. Similarly, they reject the mythical claims of Syriac
Christianity, indicating the contradictions within its framework against
historical data. These groups often do extensive research on literary evidence
and traveller’s records to find out the historical truth behind the apostolic
claims of Indian Christianity but lack any serious work on archaeological or
epigraphic studies except the translations of Pahlavi and other inscriptions of
the Mount Cross and Tharissapalli plates. Hence, the apostolicity of Indian
Christianity is still considered a riddle among secular scholars.
This
approach seems to be more practical, evidence-based, and objective-oriented
than those built on elevated stories of church leaders and their opponents or
writings of their contemporary sects and other religions. The history of Indian
Christianity is indeed built on a few vague references and possibilities, often
pulled by stories of travellers and post-colonial narratives. Typical church
historians frequently rely on mythical stories of Syriac Christianity to
establish an apostolic heritage in the absence of material evidence.
The
Methodology of the Study
The
methodology followed in this study is unique and at the same time new to the
study of the migration of any religion to distant places from its original
geographic area of birth. The transfer of any religion from its geographical
origin to different regions or distant locations requires a medium called the
movement of people. This movement of people certainly requires a pre-existing
purpose/cause like trade or an accidental one like war, calamities etc. Even
political/administrative decisions can transport people from one location to another,
which in turn causes the migration of religion to distant locations. Even the
individual (missionary) attempt requires this medium to propagate the religion
to new areas. If one could identify this movement of people, he could easily
find the way in which religion migrated into these new territories. Hence, the
author logically states that the migration of Christianity towards distant
places, especially in South Asia, happened through the Afro-Eurasian trade
network. Naturally, whichever Christianity or sect spread this new faith in
South Asia would have to have settlements along the ancient socio-commercial
network. If they had (nodes of the trade network as explained in the book)
settlement of this new faith, they should have left some archaeological
evidence such as symbols, artefacts, ornaments, ritual materials, peculiar
structures of buildings used in their worship, etc. throughout the nodes of
these socio-commercial networks. Studying the archaeological remains unearthed
from the trade network and analysing and comparing the structures and styles of
these remains with those unearthed from the South Asian region, especially old
Thamizhakam, will certainly explain the origin and development of Christianity
in that region.
The author proceeds with identifying the
Afro-Eurasian trade routes and their socio-commercial networks, followed by an
extensive search for unearthed archaeological materials from nodes (trade
settlements) of these networks. Before going into details about archaeological
materials from the Afro-Eurasian trade routes and their analytical studies and
comparisons, the author gives detailed information with respect to
archaeological materials unearthed from South Asia, especially South India.
South Indian
Pahlavi Crosses
The
book starts with the history of Portuguese excavations leading to the
unearthing of the Pahlavi cross from Mylapore, Chennai, in 1547 and proceeds to
the other Pahlavi crosses found in South India, along with a similar-looking
cross from Anuradhapura, Sri Lanka.[1]
Respective information with regards to these copies of Mount Cross, the
controversies, and different possible dates of the establishment have been
discussed with maximum details to give the reader a preliminary understanding
of the subject. This also helps anyone without any knowledge about the prime
evidence of early Christianity in India. Interestingly, the author discusses
contradicting information related to Portuguese excavations which led to the
final discovery of Mount Cross at Mylapore. The Portuguese documentation
concerning the early encounters with Nazranies of Malankara (ancient Indian
Christians) is discussed along with early descriptions regarding the crosses
found by them, certainly used by the author in later chapters to compare with
available travellers’ narrations. This comparative discussion of the early
documentation raises many valid questions about the narrative which
Christianity proposes today as the evidence of early evangelization by Saint
Thomas. While discussing the other Pahlavi crosses found in the south Indian
region, the author gives all the available information regarding the unearthing
of these crosses, their possible erection dates, deviations from the Mount
cross, etc., which he uses in the later chapters to compare with those ancient
crosses found in the socio-commercial networks.
While discussing the only
Persian cross unearthed from Anuradhapura, Sri Lanka, the author explains the
contradictions in the recent archaeological excavations conducted by
Archaeologist John Carswell and his claimed Gil Muhrag (clay bullae) with three
seal impressions (one with a supposed Nestorian cross) and a Pahlavi
inscription (which often church historians proposes as additional evidence of
an ancient Nestorian Christianity in Sri Lanka) quoting the studies of
Archaeologist, scholar and an acknowledged expert of Roman coinage Reinhold
Walburg.[2]
Besides the acclaimed Mount Cross and its copies from the South Indian peninsular
region, the book gives information regarding the Taxila cross, Herat cross, and
Niranam cross, along with other Buddhist crosses found in Taxila, Pakistan.[3]
The first chapter is intended to impart maximum information about the primary
archaeological evidence in support of ancient Indian Christianity, usually put
forward by church historians in the light of modern studies and other parallel
evidence.
The History and Evolution of the
Cross as a Symbol of Christianity
Since the Cross is the prime
symbol of Christianity and the only important archaeological evidence available
from India, especially from the South Indian region, for this study, the author
exclusively goes into the origin and development of the Cross as a symbol among
different civilizations of the world.[4]
The second chapter of this book gives the reader interesting as well as
thought-provoking facts concerning the evolution of the Symbol of the Cross
before Christianity and its adoption by different civilisations of the world.
The study of the meaning and representation of the Symbol of the Cross and its
further adaptation to Christianity by the fourth century, with the strong
support of the Roman Emperor Constantine (306-337 CE.), enlightens the reader
about early Christianity and its ancient symbols. In relation to this, the book
discusses the possible instruments that could have been used to crucify Jesus
with the help of modern archaeological findings and world-famous scholars’
studies.[5]
This indeed provides us with an opportunity to compare the narrative that we
get from the four Gospels. The author describes the historical path in which
the early representation of the Symbol of the Cross was found through hidden
writings /drawings (Staurogram-Nomina scara writing system) and other artefacts
belonging to Christian and pagan believers, which gives us more logical
explanations for the lack of archaeological findings of direct Symbol of the Cross
or Crucifix during the first two hundred years of Christianity.[6]
Though the book questions the very claims of Christianity concerning the symbol
of the cross, the cross used for Jesus’s crucifixion, or the style of his
torture, it confirms the violent death of Jesus at the hands of Roman soldiers
through the various archaeological findings, other artefacts, and references
from ancient literature.
Translating Pahlavi inscriptions[7]
Though this is the most
difficult part of the book due to the logogrammatic nature of a dead language
which had been out of use for many centuries, the author made it comparatively
simplistic by explaining the basic qualities and peculiarities of the language
using studies by world-renowned Pahlavi scholars. A common reader may find the
chapter's initial pages exceedingly difficult to understand due to the complex
nature of a dead language, but the grouping of the various translations through
comparative analysis of the methodology used is quite helpful for a reader to understand
the veracity of various claims put forward by these translators.[8]
The book contains almost all the available translations by various scholars and
epigraphists from the 14th century Canara Brahman to Shilanand Hemraj of 2014.[9]
The recent translations by Shilanand Hemraj (which many of the readers might
not know about) using a unique way without taking help from the mythical
stories of Syriac Christianity (Persian names of prelates or merchants) gives
us another realistic possibility except for his support for the sponsor's sect
(his translation attempt was sponsored by a Knanite businessman). Unknowingly
or knowingly, he opened new possibilities which increased the set of groups
responsible for these Pahlavi crosses. The question of the script used for the
Pahlavi inscription and its identification/confusion certainly questions the
supposed claim of Persian (Syriac) Christianity on the Pahlavi crosses of south
India.[10]
Estrangelo inscription on one of the Kottayam crosses and its similarities with
an 18th-century manuscript produced in Kerala again increase the doubt about
the authenticity of the copies of the Pahlavi crosses discovered in Kerala.[11]
The Indian Ocean trade and its Socio-commercial
network[12]
Before going into the search
for archaeological findings from the Afro-Eurasian trade through which the new
religion was transferred to South Asia, one must understand the basic history
of the Indian Ocean trade network, specifically its origin, development,
transportation, materials/goods transferred etc. The author gives us a detailed
historical view of the trade through the Indian Ocean, connecting the Arabian
Sea and the Bay of Bengal, including its extensions stretching the Red Sea and
the Persian Gulf, incorporating modern archaeological and genetic studies. This
information is corroborated not only by the literary evidence but also by
modern techniques like a chemical content analysis done on amphoras unearthed
from Israel (recent organic residue analysis by Israeli professor of
Archaeology A. Gilboa and team performed on small early iron age Phoenician
clay flask provided the first concrete archaeological evidence that such trade
took place much earlier).[13]
Furthermore, the author uses the help of modern ceramic studies to identify the
possible groups or nationalities involved in this long-distance trade through
the Indian Ocean. The study of ceramic wares unearthed from the ports of the
Persian region and other Indian Ocean ports by Katrien Rutten suggests that
Mesopotamia was not directly involved in the Indian Ocean trade but instead
connected through South Arabian ports such as Qana and Sumhuram. The
composition of the imported pottery corpus at Ed-dur and the Persian Gulf
differs from that of South Arabian and other Red-Sea ports, indicating the
ships carrying goods to South Arabia and Thamizhakam did not enter the Persian
Gulf. The Red-Sea ports and other centres like Berenike and Myos-Hormos
credited with finding Indian pottery with pepper, Tamil Brahmi inscriptions,
Indian RPW (red polished ware), and RW (roulette ware) suggest a direct trade
between these regions. On the contrary, the absence of such ceramic shred
collections (from the 2nd to 5th century) from the Persian Gulf area suggests
no direct trade between South India and the Persian Gulf.[14]
This finding perfectly matches the political situation that existed in that
region during this period (the Sasanians conquered the Aksumites and their
vassals in South Arabia in 575 CE).[15]
The book also suggests another piece of corroborative evidence from the genetic
study observing mtDNA similarity between the skeletal remains dated between the
early Bronze age and the late Roman period (2500BCE–500CE) unearthed from the
middle Euphrates valley with Indian mtDNA haplogroups (M65a, M49, and M61).
Palanichamy and the group who conducted the study suggest these mtDNA
haplogroups are generally absent in Syria but probably belong to the settled
Indian traders who migrated along the Indian Ocean trade route through the Red
Sea.[16]
The ancient Indian Ocean
trade certainly developed a socio-commercial network of people who are mostly
settled in ports or main trade/collection centres to facilitate the movement of
goods in the most economical way.[17]
The difficulties faced by the merchants and their associates in distant lands
were overcome by developing a network of similar merchant groups or diasporas,
who usually worked together to achieve their mission. These networks of people
who facilitated the trade were responsible for the transfer of new religions to
distant lands. Even the usual stories of apostolic activity in India, proposed
by church historians without any concrete evidence, also require a network of such
people for the propagation of their religion. This socio-commercial network
usually consists of people from different nationalities, ethnicities, and
religions having skills or potential required for transnational trade, such as merchants,
shipowners & sailors, creditors or financiers, caravan operators or their
agents, procuring agents etc. The interaction between people belonging to
different religions and nationalities settled in distant places to facilitate
long-distance trade, which was primarily responsible for the transfer of new
religions to these distant lands. Once the Afro-Eurasian socio-commercial
network towards South Asia is identified with unearthed archaeological remains
like crosses, other artefacts or architecture related to Christianity, it is
easy to analyse and compare them to find out the similarities and connections
of those Christian sects responsible for these unearthed archaeological
findings. The book suggests that the comparative study of the archaeological
findings from these socio-commercial networks certainly gives us historical
facts concerning the migration of Christianity towards distant places.
Archaeological evidence from ancient
trade routes
The book kept two chapters
(chapters 5 & 6)[18]
to elaborate on the archaeological findings from these ancient sites (nodes) of
the Afro-Eurasian trade network to India, especially the south Indian region.
Since Christianity reached the Indian subcontinent through this trade network,
there would be archaeological evidence buried under the ancient sites of these
socio-commercial networks. In these two chapters, the author gives all the
available data related to archaeological findings from these trade routes and
important ancient sites related to them. These findings are from reputed
archaeological excavations and research conducted under the direct supervision
of world-renowned archaeologists and scholars. Some of these excavations, which
are continuing at the respective sites, are also included in the book. The
findings from these excavations, such as ancient crosses, other artefacts, and
church buildings, are studied with respect to different ancient trade routes,
regions, and ancient empires to understand the migration of Christianity, its
different sects, symbols, characteristics, and their further evolution under
the influence of other contemporary religions. The comparative study of this
archaeological evidence provides us with remarkably interesting results about
the migration of Christianity towards the eastern world and further to the
South Asian region. The author uses the epigraphic and other archaeological
evidence along with other artefacts found from these trade routes to
distinguish the different sects of Christianity, Gnostic Christianity, and
other contemporary religions in the geographical region of the Sasanian empire,
its vassal states, Central Asia, and even China. This analysis is again used by
the author to compare and study the archaeological evidence of Indian
Christianity to arrive at an evidence-based conclusion.
Splayed Armed Crosses with Blobs as Serifs—An
Identity of Sasanian Christianity.[19]
The identification of splayed
arm crosses with small roundels as serifs at the corners of the arms of crosses
and in between provides an identity of crosses from the Sasanian empire and its
vassal states. It is interesting to observe the author’s analysis based on the
comparative study of crosses unearthed from the Sasanian (Persian) empire. The
Christian symbol of the cross migrated to Roman Syria and then to the Persian
Empire from the Mediterranean, like the migration of Christianity itself. Greek
Christianity, which used splayed arm crosses along with two blobs as serifs
(later used three blobs), passed it on to Sasanian Christianity, which also
used a two-blob system and later extensively used three blobs as decorations.
So, wherever Sasanian Christianity went, they took their splayed armed crosses
and developed them further under the influence of other contemporary sects and
religions like Manichaeism, Zoroastrianism, Buddhism etc. This identity can be
found in all sects of Syriac Christianity (Nestorians, Jacobites, Melkites,
etc.), including the Manichaean church (the author refers to the origin of the
Manichaean church as a subsect of Syriac Christianity in its initial days)[20]
and the evidence also found from respective ancient sites belongs to these
sects in Persia, Central Asia, or even China. The study on the evolutionary
path of the symbol of the cross used by different sects of Christianity and
other religions like Manichaeism and Buddhism, its acculturation or syncretic
development due to the influence of other factors used by the author to study
and compare the cross symbols excavated from South Asia, especially the Indian
peninsular region.
Crosses with spread wings from the
Sasanian Empire.[21]
One of the exciting findings
of this study is the identification of spread-wing motifs on the crosses of the
Sasanian empire and its vassal states. The Persian crosses of South India have a
leaf or flower petal-like formations from the base of the cross raising upward
(sometimes downwards) in a direction usually identified with the lotus flower,
often interpreted as an Indian adaptation to Nestorian Christianity. This was
generally claimed to have the support of crosses unearthed from Guangzhou,
China and Mongolia, often representing a clear lotus formation, probably a
Buddhist adaptation.[22]
But the study based on archaeological remains unearthed from Mesopotamia and
the Fars regions of the Sasanian Empire indicates the said ornamentation is
nothing but the adoption of Fly-Wing/Spread-Wing emblems depicted on the crowns
of Sasanian Kings.[23]
The author describes the incorporation of this emblem into the Splayed armed
Crosses of Syriac-Manichaean Christianity as subordination or respect to the
Sasanian Empire when all religions which have a Roman origin or connections
were considered enemies of the Sasanid dynasty. This was followed by
Zoroastrianism, the official religion of the Sassanid dynasty. To overcome this
hostility, different Christian sects of the Sasanian Empire and its vassal
states, like Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, etc., incorporated the prestigious
emblem of the Zoroastrians/Sassanids into their crosses.[24]
By observing their pattern
and structure, the book explains the further evolution of these spread wings,
which are incorporated into the splayed armed crosses of Sasanian Christianity.
It has been observed that the fly wing/spread wing pattern changes its shapes
from the sword, ribbons, leaves, clouds, and flower petals with the
geographical region, i.e., from Mesopotamia, Fars, Central Asia, and further to
China. The study notices an interesting pattern in which the spread wing
depicted in splayed arm crosses during the Sassanid period certainly follows
the style depicted on the headgear of Persian kings. This can be observed even
in bordering states like Armenia, Georgia, etc. But the style changes when we
go out of the main centres of the Persian empire or places where Zoroastrianism
had much less hold in different forms like flower petals, leaves, clouds etc.
When we reach the area of the central Asian border with China or in proper
China, the change becomes more prominent, and anthropomorphic figures begin to
appear, along with splayed armed crosses.[25]
The Chinese replaced the
Sasanian fly wing/spread wings of Ahura Mazda-the emblem of the Sassanid
dynasty with a Buddhist lotus on the base of the cross symbol, which church
historians of Indian Christianity wrongly identified with the Pahlavi crosses
of South India. The Pahlavi crosses of South India depict the spread wings of
Ahura Mazda used by the Sassanids on their crowns rather than the Lotus
(complete flower) used in Chinese crosses (Tang & Yuan period). The author
substantiates his proposal with archaeological evidence unearthed from the
region comprising Persia, Central Asia, and China. To find the possible path of
the evolution of the cross, the author compares Christian crosses of different
sects with Manichaean and Buddhist crosses, which are all unearthed from the
region.[26]
Similarly, a detailed discussion of the evolution of religious symbols and
their respective meanings gives us a more logical explanation of the syncretism
among eastern religions. This detailed study suggests the wings incorporated
into the splayed armed crosses from the Sassanian empire undergo a syncretic
evolution, imbibing the cultural milieu of Buddhist China—a perfect example of
acculturation.
The second chapter on
searching for Pahlavi crosses (chapter:6) discusses the evolution of
Christianity and its represented symbols in Central Asia and China. It is an
in-depth investigation based on archaeological findings from the region by
multi-disciplinary teams led by world-renowned archaeologists of different nationalities.
The close relationship between Nestorians and Manichaeans in China is also
studied with the help of various headstones, inscriptions, and other
information from travellers like Marco Polo, Matteo Ricci, etc., revealing the
path on which Chinese Christianity evolved. The author's explanation of the
Jigjiao/Quinjiao (Chinese) cross[27]
evolution through the influence of different Sasanian and Central Asian
Christianity, along with contemporary religions like Buddhism and Manichaeism,
is supported by a large number of archaeological findings from the region, like
Nikolai Puntuzov cross, Armenian Crosses, Tombstone inscriptions of Yelikewen
Mar Solomon (Shlimen), Manichaean wall hanging from Seiun-Ji Temple, Kofu City,
Japan, etc., helping the reader to understand the complexity of the history of
religions in this part of the world.
Finding the archaeological
remains of Christianity along the socio-commercial Network (which probably
transferred Christianity to the Indian subcontinent) and its comparative study
to understand the logical and evidence-based development of different sects of
Christianity, its mutual interactions with other contemporary religions, etc.
can be used to find the relations or role in developing Indian Christianity.
Though this methodology is new to the study of Indian Christianity, it is
evidence-based, which is more plausible than the vague literary references and
hagiographies produced by various church writers. The results of comparative
analysis of archaeological data collected from different trade routes and
ancient settlements were used by the author to understand the role of different
sects of Sasanian (Persian), Mediterranean, and Egypto-Ethiopian Christianity
in the origin and development of Indian Christianity, especially in old
Tamizhakam.
The result of the
comparative study of various unearthed crosses, other artefacts, and
architectural remains is completely different from those limited artefacts and
crosses unearthed from South India or even from the entire Indian Peninsular
region. The study indicates that the archaeological findings from the ancient
sites of South India or Sri Lanka produced no similar splayed armed crosses or
any additional artefacts remotely resembling Persian or Mesopotamian Christianity.
Surprisingly, the ancient inscriptions, manuscripts, or architectural remains
associated with Christianity discovered in South India or Sri Lanka generally
date from the post-13th century. Naturally, a question arises here: had there
been any role or connections with Malankara Nazranies (ancient South Indian
Christians), there would have been plenty of archaeological material available
like in Mesopotamia, Central Asia, or China, where Syriac Christianity played
an important role in spreading the belief. The only archaeological evidence
unearthed from the South Indian region is the few copies of Pahlavi inscribed
crosses, which have characteristic differences from Mesopotamian splayed arm
crosses with blobs and other decorations. The historical evolution of the
symbol of crosses belongs to different sects of Christianity and other
religions like Buddhism and Manichaeism observed in the book and the lack of
archaeological material similar to the Persian, Central Asian, and Chinese
geographical regions in the Indian subcontinent suggests a completely different
origin and development of Indian Christianity.
Some of the unearthed
crosses that church historians put forward as Persian crosses, for example, the
Taxila cross, probably have a Buddhist origin, as suggested in the book based
on materials unearthed by excavations from the region.[28]
The author provides historical examples of Buddhist and Manichaean crosses
along with the respective philosophy behind the incorporation of these cross
symbols other than Christianity.[29]
The church historians’ argument, especially for Syriac churches, goes against
the historical fact that the cross symbols were also used by Manichaeans and
Buddhists. The book also gives examples, along with the principles behind the
adoption of these symbols by other religions like the Manichaeans, Buddhists,
etc. Though it took 150 years after A.C. Burnell, an archaeologist and Indian
civil servant during British rule, suggested that the Pahlavi crosses of south
India could be the work of the Manichaean Church,[30]
the conclusion is now supported by concrete evidence.
The Symbolism of Mount Cross: A
Semiotic Explanation
To study the Pahlavi crosses
of south India, the author first identifies the possible original and oldest
among them based on scholars’ suggestions with respect to the design,
structure, rock-cut style, and inscriptions.[31]
Then he follows the different translations from Canara Brahmin to the latest
one by Shilanand Hemraj.[32]
To understand a dead language like Pahlavi and its peculiarities like
logogrammatic nature and ideograms, the writer does a basic study with the help
of known Pahlavi scholars.[33]
The initial explanations (transliteration and translations), followed by a
comparative study by grouping these (14 no.) translations based on the
methodology the epigraphist-scholars followed, give the reader a basic idea of
the veracity of these claimed translations.[34]
The latest translation by Shilanand Hemraj, sponsored by a businessman who
belonged to a Syriac Christian sect of Kerala (Knanite), knowingly or
unknowingly, comes up with the most logical and probably closest to the facts,
which also practically disproves the Church historians' claims.[35]
Most of the people who know the translations of Pahlavi crosses were not aware
of the one brought out recently by this linguist and epigraphic-paleographic
researcher (of Allahabad University) named Shilanand Hemraj. The author states
that the methodology and the selection of words of Pahlavi based on the possible
purpose of the bas-relief cross inscription indicate its greater accuracy than
the previous translations, which are mostly based on the stories of Syriac
Christianity. Thus, Hemraj’s translation broadened the set of contenders
responsible for the Pahlavi crosses of South India.[36]
The next fascinating piece
of information the author put forward is the imagery represented by the
different elements of the bas-relief structure. The Fleur-de-lis cross, or
clover-shaped cross, represents Jesus and his crucifixion, while the supposed
flower petals from the base of the cross, promoted by church historians, do not
represent the lotus flower but rather the fly wing/spread wing (wings of Ahura
Mazda) pattern of the Sasanian symbol of prestige.[37]
This has been explained by various archaeological findings from the Sasanian
empire and Central Asia. The inverted dove represents Paraclete Mar Mani, the
Manichaean prophet, who himself claimed to be offered by the historical Jesus.[38]
If I borrow the words of
the author, Manichaeism postulates two ontological principles—Light and
Darkness. The universe is divided into the Light realm and the Dark realm,
where all souls want to be saved from the clutches of the Land of the Dark,
which binds the souls (light particles) of living matter. The land of the dark
is populated with creatures like Makaras. The role of the Manichaean god
(prophet) Jesus adopted from Christianity is to save the souls of humans
through his crucifixion and suffering from the clutches of creatures of dark
forces like Makara. The demonic creature of the Land of Darkness of Manichaean
cosmology has an artistic and theological representation in Manichaean
iconography, while Persian Christianity has nothing to do with the Makara, the
demonic creature depicted in religions like Manichaeism, Hinduism, and Buddhism.[39]
The two Makaras depicted on
the capitals of the beautifully crafted pillars represent the Dark forces
belonging to the Dark realm, one of the main constituents of the two Manichaean
ontological principles. However, the Makara has no historical value in
Christianity, particularly in Syriac Christianity, and no other cross has ever
been attached to the Makara, a symbol of the Dark or a demonic creature present
in Manichaean, Buddhist, or Hindu cosmology. Several church historians
attempted to portray the Makara as a cultural adaptation of Indian traditions,
ignoring the Makara's significance in Indian or Buddhist mythology. These
forced comparisons or explanations are intended to portray the Pahlavi crosses
as evidence of early Christianity in South India.
However, the author
explains the artistic representation of Makara by detailing the concept from
different traditions like Hinduism, Buddhism, Manichaeism, etc. Makara is a
well-known aquatic animal which can swallow any sea creature and inflict damage
to any sea vessel. The Pahlavi cross of Mount Mylapore has been represented
along with pearls coming out of two Makara’s mouths seated on the capitals of
the pillars, forming an arch over the cross and descending dove combination.
The pearls coming out of these two Makara’s mouths escape through a vent placed
in the middle of the arch formation. The author suggests that this depiction of
Makara with pearls perfectly symbolises the Manichaean dualism and entrapment
of human souls by the Dark forces. The ultimate aim of the Manichaean religion
is to help human souls (light particles represented by pearls) be released from
the entrapment of dark forces (the dark realm). This artistic imagery can be
well explained by Manichaean dualism and the role of Jesus in the Manichaean
scheme of salvation. The cross with fly wings represents the Manichaean Jesus,
the prime saviour of souls from the clutches of the dark forces such as Makara
through his crucifixion and sufferings. The descending Dove represents Mar
Mani, the prophet of the Manichaean pantheon who claimed himself as the
paraclete of the historical Jesus offered to his followers. The author explains
that the depiction of pearls from the mouth of Makaras going up is possibly a
representation of emancipating the bounded souls from the clutches of Makara,
the representative of the entrapper of human souls, the creature of the land of
Dark by the power of Manichaean Yishu (Jesus), which is symbolised by the
Manichaean cross of Mount St. Thomas. Interestingly, according to the author,
this is very much parallel with the imagery represented by the portrait found
at a Manichaean temple at Qocho by A. Lee Van Coq in 1907 CE, which displays a
Manichaean Jesus with a Mesopotamian cross of splayed arms.[40]
The
author substantiates his findings further with the eighth-century Chinese
Manichaean Hymn Scroll housed in the British Library (S.2659/or 8210), a hymn in
praise of Jesus and calling on him to save the souls from the attack of Makaras
to understand the detailed imagery depicted in the Mount Cross of Mylapore.[41]
Furthermore, readers should remember the respective uncertainty expressed by
various translations of Pahlavi inscriptions detailed in chapter 3.[42]
I.e., the translation by Shilanand Hemraj, the Manichaean Hymn Scroll detailing
the role of Makaras in Manichaean Cosmology, the imagery represented by Makaras
and Pearls encircling the Mount Cross, the role of Jesus in Manicheism
represented by Sasanian spread-wing crosses, the Paraclete Mar Mani represented
by a descending dove, etc., are undoubtfully explaining the ownership of the
Pahlavi Cross of Mylapore.
Contrary
to popular stories promoted by the Church and their historians without any
convincing evidence, the book suggests a more convincing proposition based on
archaeological data and comparative studies spread across the Afro-Eurasian
trade network. Many contradictions and disturbing reports from the excavators
and the early travellers' accounts regarding the Mylapore myth, often
questioned based on logical deduction, suggest a second look at the origin of
Christianity and its claims in South India. The book also meticulously
questions the first historical account by an unknown traveller in the Indian
Ocean, popularly called Cosmas Indecopleustes, often quoted by the church and
secular historians alike in support of ancient Indian Christianity in
connection with Persian Christianity. The traveller in his book clearly states
that the information (Christianity in South India and Sri Lanka) was collected
from his fellow travellers, which questions the accuracy of his witness.[43]
Presently, scholars are divided on the ground on whether the traveller visited
south India or not, based on the content and purpose of his book. There is a
possibility that the Persian Christianity witnessed by the informer of Cosmas
Indecopleustes could have come across a Gnostic sect, possibly a Manichaean
church in South India and Sri Lanka. The presence of a Manichaean colony in Sri
Lanka was again reported by another 10th-century traveller named Abu Zaid (916
CE), whose source was another frequent trader (a merchant called Sulaiman in
851 CE) who often visited the area.[44]
Hence, if anyone records all
the information-the geographical location of the original Pahlavi crosses
(Mylapore, Anuradhapura & Goa); ambiguity of previous Pahlavi translations
on these crosses followed by Shilanand Hemraj’s latest attempt with more
accuracy and methodology; absence of archaeological materials from South India
with respect to Syriac Christianity prior to the 14th century; not even a
single piece of ancient Splayed armed cross symbols unearthed from South India;
not a single piece of Syriac inscription, engraving or manuscripts, headstones
prior to the 14th century; the secret conducting of excavations at Mylapore and
the opposition from the Latin scholars regarding the two full skeletons
unearthed from the St. Thomas Mount; Chronological comparative analysis of
Mylapore travellers' reports; the archaeological remains (Mongoloid looking
statues) from Mylapore excavation site; etc.-on a spreadsheet , all converge
into a single point that the Pahlavi cross and Mylapore myth has nothing to
offer as evidence to an ancient Christianity or St. Thomas Martyrdom in South
India.
Furthermore, anyone
analysing the data collected concerning the origin and development of
Syriac/Sasanian/ Persian Christianity over those geographical regions and their
syncretic interaction with other contemporary religions gives us a more
accurate picture of these Pahlavi crosses presently available in South India.
Finally, the artistic symbolization used in the structure of the Mount Cross,
suggested by the author with the help of Manichaean literature and the cultural
and religious suppositions of Makara, indicates the presence of Manichaean
colonies in Mylapore and other locations like Goa and Anuradhapura, later used
by Portuguese and Syriac Christianity to stretch the antiquity of Indian
Christianity to an early period.
Migration of Thomas Cana (Knaithomman) -Is it historically correct?[45]
The book discusses this
matter in depth with the help of archaeological (especially ceramic studies
mentioned earlier) as well as literary evidence. The author also refers to the
opinions of famous Syriac scholars like Dr. Alphonse Mingana to substantiate his
proposition.[46]
As I mentioned earlier, the Persian direct trade with South India possibly
started only after the Sasanian conquest of the Aksumite empire and its vassal
states in South Arabia in 575 CE. It is also noted that the ceramic studies on
the trade route also give us more clarity on the trade with the Persian empire
and old Thamizhakam (South India).[47]
The author has done great
work by compiling all the available documents and information related to
Knanaya Christians for those who are interested in the subject.[48]
Though there were books specifically written by Knanites, mostly mythical
stories spread by believers, the author compiled all the data/documents
available from the past in a tabular form with chronological order so that
future researchers could get all the references for their study.[49]
The methodology used to calculate the date of the Knai Thommen migration is
well explained with such a possibility discussed using archaeological findings
and other scientific studies.[50]
The Manichaean Church and Indian
Christianity
It was a matter of
discussion from the times of A.C. Burnell, who suggested a Manichaean/Gnostic
presence in South India, probably responsible for the Pahlavi crosses. This
author has opened a long-standing issue again with modern archaeological
findings, the latest Manichaean studies, and Afro-Eurasian trade history. Had
there been a Manichaean presence in South India, there would have been some
leftovers available today. Naturally, a question arises—where are they today?
This book indeed traces the possible remnants of the ancient Manichean church
based on the latest research.[51]
Despite all these tall
claims, from apostolic activities to Syrian colonization, the origin of Indian
Christianity is still shrouded in mystery. The book, as its name suggests,
tries to trace the unknown origin of Indian Christianity based on material evidence
rather than blindly resorting to canonical, hagiographic, or gnostic
literature. But the author cross-checks the material evidence with the known
literature, including travellers' records, to find the historicity of his
proposition. Surprisingly, the archaeological evidence found from India and
other Afro-Eurasian trade networks has something unique to tell us about the
origin of Indian Christianity. Through an extensive search for archaeological
evidence and its comparative analysis, cross-checking with trade and political
history, and resorting to genetic, ceramic, and other modern studies, compared
with the literary evidence, the author meticulously suggests an extremely late
origin of Indian Christianity, probably post 10th century CE. This may be very
problematic for those who still harp on old stories without any material
evidence, but as far as historical studies are concerned, this work is
certainly an asset to reckon with. However, there is no significant effect on
Indian Christianity as far as religion and way of life are concerned. This study
questions only the misguided claims, which are largely a product of colonial
intentions to extend the origin of Indian Christianity towards the time of the
apostles.
Based on the study, the
author postulates that there existed different groups, which can be termed
Pre-Proto-Orthodox, that had nothing to do with Nicene Christianity or its
beliefs. These groups co-existed with other Gnostic groups like Manichaeans all
along the trade network, competing with themselves for the original church of
the historical Jesus. Fortunately, or unfortunately, the Edict of Milan in 313
CE changed the future of the religion called Christianity, and the
proto-Orthodox group took over as brand holders. The Nestorian merchants who
accidentally came into direct trade with South India in the post-9/10th century
period might be responsible for converting these gnostic groups or
pre-proto-Orthodox groups into their sect of Christianity. Thus, the origin of
the Christian religion came into existence in this part of the world.
Indeed, this book is a
fascinating read for both curious Christians and non-Christians. If the reader
takes a little bit of effort to understand the technical terms and scientific
methodology used, it will surely expand one’s world of knowledge and
understanding of Christianity and its evolution, especially in the eastern part
of the world. This work is an excellent example of what modern scientific
fields like archaeology, ceramic studies, numismatics, epigraphy, palaeography,
codicology, genetics, etc. can do to our longstanding historiography.
Book: Unmasking the Syriacs: The Hidden Origin of Indian Christianity – An Archaeo-linguistic Approach
Author: Jeevan PhilipPublisher: Associated Books & Publishers
International edition: Ingram Spark
Indian edition: Notion Press
Available: Amazon, AbeBooks, Notion Press, Barnes & Noble, Walmart & many more leading booksellers around the world.
[1] Chapter 1 (all footnotes from the book Unmasking the Syriacs)
[2] p.25,26
[3] pp.28-32
[4] Chapter 2, p.33
[5] pp.59-63
[6] pp.50-53
[7] Chapter 3, p.65
[8] pp.82-91
[9] pp.72-82
[10] P.91
[11] P.94
[12] Chapter 4, p.97
[13] P.116
[14] pp. 110-112
[15] p.113
[16] p.113,114
[17] p.116
[18] p.128 & 181
[19] pp.152-161
[20] p.212, 301, 302
[21] pp.162-180
[22] pp.203-218,246-253
[23] pp.162-175
[24] pp.166-170
[25] pp. 246-254; 218-224.
[26] pp.225-236
[27] pp.217-242
[28] pp.28-32
[29] pp.225-237
[30] P.75, 292, 300
[31] P.264
[32] P.81
[33] pp.65-72
[34] pp.72-91
[35] P.81
[36] P.90,91
[37] pp.162-175
[38] pp.267,268
[39] P.270
[40] pp 268- 274
[41] P.271
[42] P.72-91
[43] P.24,25;290,291;303,304;320
[44] P.296,297
[45] Chapter- 9, P.308
[46] p.315
[47] P.110,112
[48] pp 307-328
[49] pp.309-312
[50] p.316
[51] pp.290-305;307-328
